【刘欣彦】本论文借助Youna Kim(2011)一篇〈Diasporic nationalism and the media: Asian women on the move〉的研究中对离散国族主义(diasporic nationalism)的讨论,将在台马来西亚留学生视为一个离散群体,进一步探讨该群体在台湾这个异国环境中求学时期的社群媒体使用。包含他们如何在脸书上分享母国(马来西亚)的景观或讯息,这个过程是如何形塑在台马来西亚留学生对母国(马来西亚)的认同以及离散国族主义的生成。

This report presents key findings from the monitoring of news media coverage of the 14th General Election in 2018 – from the dissolution of Parliament on 7 April 2018 until 12 May 2018, three days after the elections on 9 May 2018. It was conducted by the Centre for the Study of Communications and Culture under the School of Media, Languages and Cultures at the University of Nottingham Malaysia. The monitoring, with the help of 50 volunteers, covered a total of 24 outlets from the state and private media. The content was selected from the home/national pages/segments and coded to assess the coverage of 20 categories of information that are explained in detail later.

[Yap Pao Sium] This research uses the analytical framework from Italian social theorist Antonio Gramsci’s notion of civil society to understand the potential of new media in expanding the NCR land advocacy in Sarawak. Gramsci sees civil society as an arena of struggles between ruling and ruled classes to achieve hegemony, referring to cultural domination by shaping consent.

[CIJ] As the COVID-19 pandemic spreads and more public spaces begin closing their doors, the question of protecting our freedom of expression and speech arises. It is clear that we must continue civil discourses and defend our ability to share and access information. We must also carry on tracking and monitoring developments that threaten to limit our free speech or infringe on our rights to express ourselves, share information, challenge, think, create and explore ideas.

The newly minted government should strive to construct a new media environment which would bemore reasonable and healthier for all. A new media environment which improves the rights of communication is indeed long overdue. People should be allowed to collectively create, amend and change our shared culture in a society which embraces free flow of information. It is definitely a tough and challenging task to reform and rebuild the media environment in our country. Meanwhile, it also requires anactive participation and support from the public.

在传播场域部分,如何建构一个更合理与健康的媒体环境,提升人民的传播权,让人们在资讯自由流通的过程中,共同创造、修正,且改变我们赖以维系的共享文化,是新政府应该要努力的方向。重整与改造我国的媒体环境,是个艰钜的任务和挑战,也需要民间力量的投入与支持。

【黄国富】心系培育传播人的林景汉,在晚年时仍不断寻找韩新永续经营的可能性。2016年至2017年间,韩新管理层曾讨论了高校“公共化”与“社会企业”等观念与可行性,认为或可将私人所拥有的韩新产权,转由非营利组织以社会企业方式经营,让韩新成为社会共同的资产,持续为社会培育人才。……但因环境限制与条件不足,最终未能完成韩新的公共化。

【黄国富】在政治转型过程中,重点是如何让媒体管治的结果有利于公众,而非特定的政治权贵和财团,以促进言论自由与资讯流通。要突破这样的结构困境并不容易,因个別媒体集团内部掌握权力者多仍在位且延续过往权力,内部的改革力量很难撼动其固有的权力机制,这需结合来自外在力量对结构的冲撞,才可能松动原有机制与组织文化。

【黄国富】许多民众或许认为传播议题没那么重要,也不太关注传播环境的改善,却不自觉地被各种垃圾资讯与低劣的内容给包围,难以脱身。资讯与传媒素养已是现代公民的基本能力,民众也需有资源来提升相关素养,减少被各种零碎资讯与假新闻给迷惑,公民整体的素质才能提升,民主自由的开展与巩固才有可能。

【庄迪澎】倘若民主行动党对民主政治有基本信仰,它应该肯认,在民主国度,媒体有选择政治立场的权利,包括支持在野党或其他异议阵营,以及尖锐批评政府。媒体选择政治立场之后,就让它们自行承担是否会流失读者的风险,但肯定的事,不应承担选择政治立场之后来自执政党的攻击、打压和任何形式惩罚。

【庄迪澎】在此政治现实底下,《马来西亚前锋报》的起死回生之道,就不可能是所谓的“拟定专业办报方针”了,因为“拯救者”的目的绝非让它成为不偏不倚的媒体,而是从国阵/巫统的宣传机器变成土团党/马哈迪的宣传机器。