【庄迪澎】促使新国政府最近修订互联网分级执照条例的因素,远因是该国2011年大选(在野党赢得1965年以来最多的议席,执政党总得票率则滑落至历年最低)及2013年榜鹅东补选(在野党胜选),近因则是我国第13届大选。新国上一次大选是2011年5月7日,下一届大选最迟得在2016年举行,新国政府此举恐怕是因为被我国网民吓坏了,急着为下一届大选的网络选战“设防”。Continue Reading

星报出版(STAR,6084,主板贸服股)计划于未来数月拓展旗下电台及数码业务,并將扩展线上业务,以取代结构性萎缩的印刷广告业务。 该公司正计划在未来数月拓展旗下电台组合。Continue Reading

新加坡通讯及新闻部属下的媒体发展管理局在5月28日宣佈,从6月1日起,任何新闻网站只要在连续两个月內,平均每周发表一则当地新闻或时事报导,並在这两个月內每月吸引至少5万个不同的该国网络IP地址点阅,就得申请执照。这些新闻网站也得按照新条例缴付一笔5万新元(马币12万5000元)履约保证金(performance bond),以及一旦接获內容违反媒发局条例的通知,就得在24小时內刪除。Continue Reading

【庄迪澎】《林吉祥:可与国阵组织联合政府》的错误,不是主题字体太大、副题字体太小,更不是报纸“折起来放在报摊时只看到大标题,而没有看到副题”。这个头条的错误,是它错误地诠释和转述林吉祥的立场,把林吉祥的“否定”变成“肯定”。与其说误导了读者,不如说是扭曲原意的专业败坏!Continue Reading

“监督监督者(Watching the Watchdog)――第13届大选媒体监督计划”是由诺丁汉大学马来西亚分校传播与文化研究中心、独立新闻中心、全国廉正选举机构及默迪卡民调中心联合展开的媒体监督计划,由Dr Tessa J. Houghton及Zaharom Nain教授主持。此媒体监督计划监督东西马29种媒体的大选报道,包括印刷媒体、电视和网络媒体,而且涵盖四种语文(英文、马来文、中文和淡米尔文)。Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/Kim-Hui Lim, Wai-Mun Har】This study analyzes the rhetorical strategy of using the emotion of fear as a political tool in the 11th Malaysia General Election campaign. The three-prong objectives of this study are to analyze the main themes and issues used to address this tactic of fear, the general perceptions that non-Moslems in Malaysia have of the concept of Islamic state as a symbol of fear and rhetorical strategies used to provoke this fear. The findings concluded that the National Front party (Barisan National, BN) used the fear factor effectively in its campaign. This situation is further enhanced by the strong control of BN over the Malaysian media in addition to the character of Chinese voters who generally prefer not to leave their current comfort zone and are afraid of an Islamic state.Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/Wong Kok Keong】It was rather cynical of the BN to rely on the lack of internet penetration to win votes in the hinterland. Even the mainstream media were in tacit agreement with the mentality. It was as though the BN was happy to win votes from Malaysians kept in the dark by being fed only their propaganda through the mainstream media. But that has been shown to work only up to a point.Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/Wong Kok Keong】The research examined three areas – news report, opinions (editorials, comments, columns) and letters to the editors – to determine how many items were focused or positive on the National Front (NF) and the Alternative Front (AF); negative on the NF and AF; balanced towards both; and non-party related (NPR). It examined the coverage of The New Straits Times, The Star and The Sun from 12 to 29 November 1999.Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/傅向红】统计结果显示七家报社的一致给予执政党更多曝光机会,不同语文源流的报纸偏颇指数有差异,但同语文源流报社的偏颇指数却非常接近。七家报社一致让执政党有更多曝光机会,或许可以视为马来西亚高压政治结构和诸多限制言论自由之法令的产物,但是不同报社之间的偏颇指数有高低之别,似乎只能从个别报社科层制之松散严密程度及其专业能力来解释,这点有赖未来更多的把关人研究提供详尽有力的解释。Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/Wong Kok Keong】 The main aim is to show how or to what extent the mainstream media were unfair and unbalanced. Points or arguments could be better made with data or evidence systematically gathered. Anecdotal evidence gleaned here and there might be telling but does not reliably yield an overall pattern or picture of a situation. The purpose of this study is to help provide stronger evidence for making arguments and, in turn, raise the level of discourse into a more rational, objective one.Continue Reading

【媒体与大选文献回顾/Mustafa Kamal Anuar】This article is an attempt to unpack the so-called ‘Pak Lah package’ of BN’s election campaign in the run-up to Malaysia’s eleventh general election in 2004. Much of the electoral campaign of the incumbent party revolved around the persona of the Prime Minister, which stands in stark contrast to Abdullah’s predecessor.Continue Reading